ECOSYSTEM TOXIC THREAT RISK ASSESSMENT Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

ECOSYSTEM TOXIC THREAT RISK ASSESSMENT - Essay Example Transport can be the moving of people from one place to the next or the movement of goods and other items such as raw materials from their sources to the manufacturing site. According to the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), vehicle exhaust fumes have been confirmed to contain carcinogens; a statement that is further confirmed by the World health Organization (WHO) which said that the fumes expelled by diesel vehicles contain a harmful amount of carcinogens that may harm people who take them in through breathing. The National Institute of Health (NIH) and the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) back up this information by confirmation of the information stated above (Thakur and Haru 64). From the website Answers.com, the toll of exhaust fumes to the environment is high since they affect a wide range of the components of the environment from human beings, animals and the environment in general. With components such as lead and sulfur emissions, there are many detrimental effects of exhaust fumes to the environment (Monosson 44). From the class notes and the course being undertaken, it has been proven that vehicle exhaust emissions form a large part of the green house gases that are responsible for the increase in the temperature of the earth in what is called global warming. While there is information from many sources against the high amounts of vehicle exhaust gases and fumes and their contribution to global warming in general, the website eHow.com has an argument that depicts vehicle fumes as only having little effect on the environment compared to the other sources of pollution like industries. The author of this article argues that it is not right to put blame on vehicle exhaust fumes as the main cause of global warming when it is this area that had had the most improvement in terms of eliminating the negative impacts to the environment (Barrow 71). It is thus a great topic to choose upon given that is has a lot of information and topics for discussion. Section Two: Vulnerability of the Environment to Vehicle Fumes The impact of vehicle exhaust fumes is majorly chronic in its impact on the environment. Since the impact of many polluting elements is chronic to the environment, those of exhaust fumes follow the same path and have the same impact. This is due to the reason that it takes some time for the chemical elements in the fumes, which are mostly little in amount, to accumulate to harmful levels and thus affect the environment (Jones 86). The threat from vehicle exhaust fumes is also systemic (ecosystem) in nature given the fact that it affects the environment as a whole. The elements released by vehicles and the gases that accompany them add up to cause not only diseases in animals and human beings but also cause global warming that affects the whole ecosystem (Gupta 45). No specific species is targeted by the negative effects of these chemicals since they affect all the living species from plants to animals in equal measure. S ection Three: Risk Assessment The risk level from exhaust fumes is very real given that each day; a very large amount of fumes is released by vehicles all over the world. The number of vehicles owned especially by private individuals increases every single day given that more and more people are affording to buy vehicles for their personal use and other purposes. Even with efforts that are

Employer's Duty of Care and Issues of Compensation Assignment - 1

Employer's Duty of Care and Issues of Compensation - Assignment Example If the instructions are not stated clearly, the employee may act in good faith to fulfill a particular duty of obedience. This should be done in a manner that is reasonable especially considering the existing circumstances at that particular moment. Jake has been employed on a contract basis as certified auto mechanic at the Rally motors. This therefore means that Jake may perform any job assigned to him by his employer provided the job is reasonable. Even as Jake performs the job assigned to him, he is aware of what is expected of him by the federal or state regulations. Basing on the movie, one can comfortably say that Jake’s actions are within his scope of employment. The current job of oil change is, most likely, not what Jake expected as he entered into an employment agreement with Herman. Instead it is a promotional offer invented by Herman to attract more customers as he says that as the customers’ cars are being serviced, the customers get a chance to check out the new car models. So Jake may argue that as far as what is expected of him in terms of standards is concerned, his actions are within his scope of employment (Goss, 2004). It may be argued that every employee has an obligation to perform his duties as directed by his employer. Such arguments may be as a result shortsightedness in terms of the potential impacts it may have on the business in the future. In this case, for example, customers expect a fully serviced vehicle from the service department especially if the service personnel like Jake are certified. So, it is Jake’s responsibility to do thorough service work on the customers’ vehicles and this includes checking and where possible servicing the tires, brakes and transmission as would be expected of a certified auto mechanic (Murolo & Chitty, 2001). This ensures that the vehicle is safe for driving by the customer. If a vehicle from the service centre gets involved in an accident and the resultant

Political Parties in Nigeria Essay Example for Free

Political Parties in Nigeria Essay Democracy no doubt is the world’s current new bride. To the extent that everyone Politicians, Journalists, statesmen and even laymen – call themselves democrats while those who wish to defend a regime no matter its nature call it democracy (Williams 1995:65), one could aptly say the world is in the age of democracy. But as democracy is gaining currency the world over, it need be stated that the Institution of political party constitutes the lubricant of the current democratic wave. This is because, political parties serves as vehicle for expressing myriad of world views held by citizens as well as an instrument to garnering the informed and active participation of the citizens in the political process which constitutes the hallmark of any democratic practice. As noted by Hague and Harrop (1987:141-142), party competition is the hallmark of liberal democracy because it is the device which makes governments responsive to the electorates by providing voters with some choice while simultaneously restricting that choice to a few broad alternatives. In other words, the greater the number of parties and / or the latitude of freedom, the more democratic the political system is or becomes while the the more they are conscripted, the lesser the likelihood of a democratic political system. This view was also shared by Anifowoshe (2004: 59) when he noted that the condition of the political parties in a political system is the best possible evidence of the nature of any democratic regime. It must however be stated that while parties constitute the piston in the engine of democracy, the nature and activities of political parties themselves may constitute a stumbling block in the way of democratic growth and sustenance. This has been the paradox of party politics in Africa where the institution has remained largely underdeveloped. Instances abound where activities of parties have been a major factor in the decline of democratic politics or outright termination of democratic administrations and their subsequent replacement by military authoritarian regimes. In this context, the Nigerian state is a reference point. Nigeria became independent in 1960 after years of colonial rule. Independence ushered in a multi party democracy under a Westminster parliamentary model. However, due to a number of circumstances including intra and inter party bickering and, political excesses of parties and their leaders among others, the first democratic republic was truncated in January 1966 following a bloody coup detat championed by the five Majors. The abrupt termination of the first republic also ushered in a thirteen-year long military rule that lasted till October 1, 1979. Nigeria had another taste of multiparty democracy between October 1979 and 31st December 1983. However, like most of the parties of this period themselves, the problems of the first republic reincarnated to mare the democratic processes, culminating in the military coup of December 31st 1983 and the beginning of a second phase of military rule in the country. Indeed, the second phase of military rule in Nigeria which lasted between December 1983 and May 29, 1999 was the most dramatic and traumatic in the history of the country. It was a period mostly characterized by series of coups and counter coups, political maneuverings and above all, endless transition to civil rule programmes or what Diamond et al (1997) has aptly dubbed ‘Transition without End’. But while the political imbroglio of that period cannot be blamed out-rightly on the excesses of political parties and their leaders, the need to avoid such was always advanced as a defensive mechanism for continuous tinkering with the then transition process. For instance, reasons for dissolution of the 13 political associations that first prelude the third republic and their consequent replacement by government created SDP and NRC and, annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election that eventually calumniated in the abortion of the third republic were carefully crafted under the need to avoid repeat of mistakes of the past republics. Detailed work on this has been done by scholars and need not be recounted here (See, Diamond et al 1997). However, what must be stressed here is that, Nigeria’s current democratic experience was the end product of a long and tortuous journey through the woods of military autocracy. Although the decade of the 90’s generally was characterized by external pressures for democratization around the world, the resilience and perceptions (rightly or wrongly) by Nigerians that democracy holds prospect for a better life was also a major factor that sustained the struggle. Also, perhaps, in acknowledgment of the sanctity of the party institution to democratic sustenance, the country has continued to operate a â€Å"growing† multiparty democracy since 1999. Thus, from three parties in 1999, it currently has over thirty political parties with prospects of more to be registered. Against this long background, this paper seeks to examine the role of parties in sustaining Nigeria’s democracy. Further to this are: To what extent do Nigerian political parties conform to their expected role in the political system or in sustaining democracy? What are the encumbrances (if any) on their performance in Nigeria? What is / are to be done to place Nigerian political parties on the part of vibrancy vis-à  -vis democratic sustenance? Unraveling these problematic calls for rigorous inquiry. But to start with, situating the role of parties in a universal context is essential. Political Parties and Democracy: Theoretical Framework Political party is one of the genuses of intermediary groups in a political system. Others include interest groups and pressure groups. Thus, the relationship between viable political party and democratic governance is no doubt axiomatic. Political parties are the lubricant of democracy and without which, democracy based on the western model cannot function (Adele 2001:35). This is essentially because it provides a credible means of harnessing the variety of public opinions essential in sustaining a democratic society. While democracy rests on the informed and active participation of the people, political party is a viable tool in this regard. This perspective is shared by political scientists. As Anifowoshe (2004:59) remarked: Democracy exists where the principal leaders of a political system are selected by competitive elections in which the bulk of the population have the opportunity to participate. As a matter of fact, the condition of the parties, in a political system, is the b est possible evidence of the nature of any democratic regime. Implicit in the above statement is that a party’s level of institutionalization, cohesion and social base, determines the extent of its viability and the extent to which it could be said to be performing its functions in a democracy. In other words, viable political parties contribute to democratic growth much as unviable ones may result in democratic regression. Although there are myriad of definitions on what constitutes a political party, yet they all revolve around electioneering and the control of government. For instance, political parties has been conceived as an instrument for contesting elections for the purpose of selecting candidates and party(ies) to exercise political power (Yaqub 2002:122). This definition is in consonance with that which sees political party as an organization, which is principally, absolutely and actively involved, in the electoral process, in a democracy, with the major intent of winning political power and controlling the government (Onuoha 2 003:137). The import of these definitions is that the major goal of political party is to capture and control governmental powers. This it does through participation in electoral process in which it fields candidates to contest for various posts. Yet, it must be stated that while the major goal of a political party is to capture and maintain control over personnel and policies of government, such at times may have to be done in coalition with other party(ies). This is especially the case where electoral victory is not based on ‘first past the post’ system or where a single party could not win the minimum electoral seats necessary for it to constitute a government. However, beyond fielding candidates for elections and controlling governmental apparatuses, political parties also perform other functions which on the one hand set them aside from other organizations such as interest groups and more importantly on the other hand, makes them sine qua non for democratic development. These include; the task of political recruitment and training, education, socialization, breeding consensus, providing alternative world views and political communication among others (see Okoosi-simbine 2004:85-86; Yaqub 2002:112; Aina 2002:10-12, Onuoha 2003:137). It is the extent to which parties are able to discharge these functions that determine the extent of democratic growth in the country. Important in carrying out the above functions is that part ies especially in culturally variegated societies such as Nigeria must eschew those intervening variables that are likely to mar programmes and policies of the party such as salience of ethnic, religious or other sectional interests. Where this is not avoided, the tendency is that a party will find it considerably difficult in harnessing or mobilizing mass support for democratic growth. The emphasis here is that parties are formed not only to promote policies but also to secure social interests. It therefore follows that parties must have broad social bases in order to be able to aggregate interests rather than articulation of specific sectional ones. Also central to democratic growth through the party system is party institutionalization. That is, the process by which parties become established and acquires value and enduring stability (Huttington, 1965:394). Although the extent of party institutionalization varies with party systems the world over, it is usually measured based on some factors such as party age, count of splits and mergers, electoral stability, legislative stability and leadership change (Janda, 1993:167). Of equal importance is party coherence, which has been defined as the degree of congruence in the attitudes and behaviour of party members’ (Janda 1980:118; 1993:173). There is no gainsaying the fact that the degree of coherence among party members bears direct relevance to party strength and stability. This is because a strong and coherent party in terms of membership and structure is usually stronger and coordinated both in articulating view and garnering electoral support than are fragmented one. It is also the factor of coherence that enable parties to effectively discharge the function of National integration which they are expected to perform especially in plural societies. It must be stressed that, while parties in the advanced countries of Europe and America, are observed to have attained the status described above, those in the developing countries tend to be a little far from it. In other words, political parties in the developing countries cannot be ranked on equal scale with those of the advanced countries in terms of viability of the institution. Hence, it could be reasoned that the difference between the two worlds accounts for the different levels of democratic growth between them (e.g. Nigeria and USA). Although Nigeria has returned to democratic practice since 1999, yet there is a growing concern over the sustenance of its democracy. These concerns obviously owe their origin to the nature of political parties and party politics or activities in the country. Issues surrounding this dilemma are examined next but before this, description of the character and general tendencies of current political parties is essential. Roles and Functions of Political Parties From various literature on political party, it is evident that democracy, especially the liberal majoritarian version would be practically impossible without the institution of political party. This no doubt is anchored on the expected roles of political parties in deepening the democratic process. One major role expected of any political party is the task of political recruitment and education. The centrality of this function lie is the fact that it is directly connected with fulfillment of the common aim of all parties. That is, the aim of fielding candidates for election and capturing or exercising political power either singly or in cooperation with other parties (see, Yaqub 2002:164; Ball 1988:73). In other words, in the process of trying to capture political power, political parties serves as a major instrument/platform through which candidates for public offices are recruited at all levels. This is the case in both socialist as well as competitive liberal democracies. According to Ball (198:77), in such political systems where parties are absent (such as in zero party situation) or weak, political elites are usually recruited from traditional elites or through religious and military organizations. However, such sources of recruitment usually have implications for stability of the regime because they lack the more popular base of political parties. In other words, the institution of political party provides an avenue for recruiting politically ambitious persons into the political elite class. In this, we can also accommodate parties’ role as a credible means of political succession. This is because parties would have narrowed down the number of competitors for a particular office to what it considered the best choice at the material time. This process help reduce pressures on the political system as well as streamline citizens choice. In addition, in the process of campaigns for elections, parties inform and educate the public on important s tate policies and actions much as they do while in power. Even for parties out of power, they provide a constant source of critique of government policies which attimes help to change, modify or improve the quality of policies and programmes. Related to the task of recruitment and education is the role of parties as socializing agents. Generally speaking, most conceptions of socialization agreed that it is a process by which individuals incorporate into their own attitudinal and behavioural patterns, the way of their respective social groups and society (Babawale, 1999:218). If this is true, it follows that in the course of preparing candidates for elections, campaigns and other political activities, the individual within the society is acquiring some attitudinal or behavioural patterns necessary to make a politically vibrant individual. In addition, knowledge about political institutions and processes are acquired and internalized by the individual. Perhaps, this informed why political socialization have been conceived as all formal and informal explicitly or nominal political learning at every stage of the life circle that affects political behaviour, such as learning of politically relevant social attitudes and the acq uisition of politically relevant personality characteristics (Greenstein, quoted in Babawale 1999:219). Another major role of political parties in any political system is in the area of serving as link between rulers and the ruled through what is known as political communication. That is, parties provide a means of expression and information flow, both upward and downward, in any political system. Although, the flow of information is crucial to the survival of any political system, the direction of information flow however varies. For instance, in a liberalized multiparty system, there is tendency for information flow to be tilted more in favour of upward flow. This would allow the ruling party to feel the pulse of the populace as well as respond positively to policy demands. But even for parties out of power, it has a tendency to reinforce collective consciousness of party members and strengthen the level of attachment to the party. On the other hand, where there is a single party, the tendency is that information flow will be more from the top to the bottom. For instance, Hague and Harrop (1987: 140) had noted that in Stalin’s Russia, ‘the democratic’ expression of opinion from the grassroots of the Communist Party was negligible compared with the â€Å"centralist† flow of directive from the top. This notwithstanding, what is important is that, irrespective of the strength or direction of information flow, political parties have the onerous role of serving as a two-way communication process between the government and the people. The formulation and implementation of collective goals is yet another major function of parties. This is because in the process of seeking to capture power, they formulate programmes and policies either through conventions, meetings and even manifestoes which they hope to implement while in office. Some of these issues eventually constitute the collective goals of the society. Related to this is the mobilization role of parties. Indeed, parties are known to have been in the vanguard of mobilizing the citizens. This they do through mass rallies and other forms of display of unity that emphasizes identification between the individual and the party. Hague and Harrop (1987:140) noted that, parties have been the prime movers in the revolutionary upheaval of the modern age. They alluded that the enormous transformations of Russia and Chinese societies in the last century were led by vanguard communist parties committed to radical social changes. So also were the nationalist parties of the third world who played critical role in the attainment of independence and the subsequent attempt to weld new nations out of traditional societies (Hague and Harrop 1987:140-141). In the process of developing collective goals, parties also serve as important agents of articulating and aggregating the myriad of groups and individual interests in the society. Although this is not an exclusive function of political parties as it is also performed by interest groups, but parties are able to do this on a wider and / or national scale. Indeed, all parties have social base that cuts across ethnic, religious, occupational and class divides. It thus serves as a platform through which the diverse interest base are articulated and aggregated to form coherent whole. The underlying assumption here is that parties are able to synthesize and reconcile the multitude of competing interests into a broad national value. It must however be stated that this function of political parties, though important, need not be stressed too far. This is because, most often, parties mainly respond to interests and demands that are consistent with their ideology or in line with controlling int erests in the party. In this context, parties are important agencies in determining which interests are represented in politics and which ones are left out. From discussions so far, it is apparent that the relationship between political parties and democratic sustenance is axiomatic. Indeed, the various roles performed by political parties in the political system are expected to strengthen the democratic processes. This demand also implies that political parties and political leaders must in themselves be democratic. What this translates to is that the extent to which individuals within the party and the party organization itself assimilate democratic tenets to a large extent affects the extent to which they are able to discharge the above roles as well as the quality of democratic growth in the political system. In other words, having democrats is precondition for democracy to take root. How these intricacies of party politics and democratic sustenance have played themselves out in Nigeria will be our next focus after a preview of political parties in the country’s current fourth republic. Parties in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic Political parties in Nigeria’s fourth republic emerged against the background of a military managed transition prograamme which began in 1998 and reached its climax on May 29, 1999 when a new civilian administration was ushered in (see Momoh and Thoeveni 2001). Before this experience, Nigeria has had previous democratic republics between 1st October 1960 when it gained political independence from Britain and January 1966 when it was rudely terminated in a military coup; another one was between October 1, 1979 and December 31, 1983 while a third one was not allowed to take root in the early 1990s because it was eventually truncated by its own architect. What is remarkable about all the republics is that, with the exception of the aborted third republic which had only two parties dejure, all others were characterized by multiparty system. Extensive work on previous republics have been done by Coleman (1971); Joseph 1991; Diamond et al 1997; Ujo 2000 and Yaqub 2002). To begin with, parties in Nigeria’s current fourth republic have been characterized by what could be described as a seesaw numerical transition. This was because, at inception of political activities in 1998, several political associations were registered (though provisionally) as political parties but was later prone down to three before the 1999 elections and by 2003, several others came back on the stage. This numerical transition deserves extensive comment. Upon commencement of political activities in 1998, close to fifty political associations sprang up but at the close of nominations, only twenty-four of them had applied for registration with INEC. After thorough scrutiny, only nine of these parties were formally registered (provisional) by INEC according to its guidelines. These are Alliance for Democracy (AD), All Peoples Party (ANPP), Democratic Alliance Movement (DAM), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), United Democratic Party (UDP), United Peoples Party (UPP) and Movement for Democracy and Justice (MDJ). However, the future and continuous existence of these parties was tied to passing the acid test. To continue to exist and function as a political party, a parting was expected to score at least, a minimum of five (initially ten) percent of the total votes in at least 24 states of the federation during the December 1998 local governments elections. Thus, of the nine parties, only the APP and PDP clearly met the criteria having scored at least five percent in over 24 states of the federation each. The AD was third with 5 percent of votes in 14 states of the federation. However, in addition to the APP and PDP, the AD was also registered partly to assuage the south westerners who were still aggrieved by the June 12, 1993 election imbroglio and most importantly, because of provisions of the electoral laws that the third best party would also be registered in the event of only two parties meeting the recruitments. Consequently, based on the modified criterion, the AD, APP and PDP were registered to contest the 1999 general elections. Following increasing pressures for registration of more parties, three other associations, All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), National Democratic Party (NDP) and United Nigeria Peoples’ Party (UNPP), were registered in June 2002 out of over twenty that applied for registration. The registration of these three parties however heightened agitations by those yet to be registered until they were finally registered later in the year. Those factors that made their registration inevitable included subtle blackmail by other associations seeking registration, fragility and growing intra party deputes among existing parties and above all, the resort to litigation by those not registered among others (see, Anifowoshe 2004: 63) Added to this was increasing factionalisation of existing parties. Indeed, the ruling by the Federal Appeal Court in Abuja, FCT, which favoured the registration of more parties, was a major and perhaps most significant factor that prompted registration of more parties by INEC to the extent that about thirty political parties freely contested the 2003 general elections. It must be stated that, although thirty political parties contested the 2003 general elections, the trio of PDP, ANPP and AD have remained dominant since 1999. While the PPD is currently controlling 27 states (previously 28 before the court order that awarded victory of Anambra state governorship election to the APGA candidate earlier this year), the ANPP has seven states and AD, one state. They all however, have their men in the national parliament, though with varying strength. Also, there has been a growing rate of factionalization, crises of succession and internal bickering within the parties. This is with the consequence that more parties and political association have continued to emerge from them to the extent that Nigeria is currently having about 37 political parties with prospects of more to come. The new bride of parties include the ACD, MRDD, Action Alliance †¦ For instance, the rate of factionalization within the ruling PDP have gone to an extent that several factions have emerged as new parties on their own. This was the case with the MRDD spearheaded by a former national chairman and other prominent members of the party. The same account could be read for the recently formed ACD which from all indications is spearheade by imcubent Vice President Atiku Abubakar. Indeed, the PDP is not alone in the troubled waters of dissent. Even notable members of the AD and ANPP are now either full members of one of the newly registered parties or fraternizing with the intention of becoming one. This was the case with the incumbent protem National Publicity Secretary of ACD, Lai Mohammed, who was hitherto a strong member of the AD. Indeed, in the build up to 2007 general elections, there seem to be general disarray among political parties in the country. While new parties have emerged after 2003 general elections, there is nothing to suggest that more will not spring up before the next 2007 elections. But if the deepening or defense of democracy is a prime factor which politicians have always adduced for the alignment and realignment of forces leading to formation of new parties, to what extent have Nigerian political parties with its increasing numbers satisfied this aspiration? Or better still to what extent have they fulfilled the expected roles of parties in a democracy necessary for deepening the process? This is our prime concern in the next section. Nigerian Parties and Democratic Consolidation Perhaps a good way to access the impact of parties on democratic sustenance is to align our thought in this direction with the expected roles of parties in a democracy. Indeed, Nigerian parties by whatever angle they are looked at are political parties properly so called. At least, to the extent that the common aim, as parties elsewhere, is to capture political power and control machineries of government. By implication therefore, they are practically veritable instruments in the recruitment of political leaders and political elites. In fact, viewed against previous experiences, one would observe an increasing sensitization and political education of Nigerians. However, one must be cautious in stressing this argument too far giving the contradictions inherent in the ways and practices of the parties. This is because, at the facial level, parties may have been recruiting candidates for various elective posts, but beneath we may ask: what is the quality of candidates being recreated? Are the parties democratic in their recruitment process? Obviously, answers to these questions are negative. To anchor this further, we may begin on the premise that to have (or sustain) democracy, first, there must be democrats either as individuals or party organizations. It is obvious that at inception of the current democratic administration in 1999,and with exception of the PDP then which had a consensus candidate in Chief Olusegun Obasonjo, all other two parties were not particularly democratic in selecting their presidential aspirants. For instance, the decision of the A D under the influence of Afenifere, a pan Yoruba socio-cultural organization to select chief Olu Falae as the party’s presidential flagbearer at a meeting held in Ibadan by party elders without allowing proper democratic contest between him and Chief Bola Ige cannot be described as democratic. In fact, the undemocratic nature of what is now the ‘De Rovans Hotel’ episode has been adjudged as a major factor in the crises that has been rocking the party since 1999 (see National Interest June 18 2006:18). So also was the case with the APP between Dr. Olushol Saraki and †¦. The later was eventually selected in a rather spurious manner. Expectedly this action stired controversy within the parties leading to factionalization in the case of the AD and protest votes against the party by Dr Saraki and his supporters in the APP in the 1999 presidential elections. In addition, many of the three parties’ aspirants for other posts were either hand picked or selected in a surreptitious arrangement. Indeed preparations for the 2003 elections witnessed an almost complete disregard of democratic tenets in the process of recruiting candidates for elective offices. Although many of the parties attempted to pick their aspirants, especially presidential nominees, through national conventions, but unfolding events and protests by other aspirants after the conventions smacks of fluidity of the process. The implications of all the above is the increasing factionalization of the parties and rising level of intra party crises. Worrisome as these situations appear, there is nothing yet to suggest advances in democratic direction by the parties even for the 2007 elections. The recent convention of the PDP in which it was resolved (or maneuvered) against the wishes of some other members that its candidates for elections will be by affirmation is a pointer in this direction. Also is the case of the NDP which has already adopted a candidate, Rtd. General Babangida, as its presidential flag bearer for the 2007 election without holding a convention. What we can derive from the above analysis are two fold. First is that a faulty premise cannot produce a sound conclusion. A party whose internal machinery is undemocratic cannot nurture democracy in a larger societal context. Second is that the candidates so recruited have not gone through any democratic training within the party nor tested democratically to ascertain their level of subscription to democratic tenets. In this case, such candidates while in office will likely be intolerant to opposition and above all, perpetuated through undemocratic tendencies. Current unfolding occurrences in the country manifesting in succession crises, third term agenda etc. tend to confirm all the above assertions. In other words, the bottom line remains that, neither Nigerian political parties nor politicians could be regarded as democrats thus cannot effectively and sufficiently contribute to maintaining the system. In terms of political communication and serving as link between the government and the people, Nigerian parties grossly parade a deficit balance in this regard. This is because none of the parties has a functional formal communication channel. The reality is that most of the parties’ structures especially at the grassroots are only vibrant at the approach of elections. After this, they fade away while the party continue to exist only at National and state headquarters. Indeed, the critical ingredients and means of political communication necessary for a vibrant democracy are conspicuously absent in the parties. These include avenues for expression of opinions by citizens, free information flow (upward or downward) among others. These elements help strengthen attachment and loyalty to the party thereby holding prospect for increased political participation. However, Nigerian parties are not forthcoming in this regard. What is apparent is that relations within the parties are mo re of client-patronage relation. Party leaders and elected officers most often become alienated from other party members and even the electorates immediately after election. For the parties in power, the only relation that there from exist between party elites and other members usually is occasional distribution of patronage in order to preserve members support and loyalty while those out of power fizzled away only to re emerge at the approach of another election. For this reasons, harnessing citizens’ initiative or sustaining a vibrant political participation of members becomes difficult with the result of docility in party activities. Indeed, communication is the life wire of any organization the lack of which may result in the organizations eventual death. The party organization and indeed the political system is no exemption in this regard. Perhaps, we can make bold to say that the near zero communication level of Nigerian political parties is a major factor in their inability to institutionalize or funct ion effectively as lubricant of the democratic project. As already noted in this text, parties also play mobilization roles as well as articulate and aggregate the myriad of opinions held by individual and groups within the society. This no doubt facilitates development of collective goals. A careful observation of the Nigerian experience however reveal parties as playing contradictory roles to the above. First, mobilization of citizens has often been limited to periods of electoral campaigns. For Nigerian parties and politicians, election periods are periods to galvanize the people and exhume powerful oratory remarks. The average politician is always willing to visit the nooks and crannies to mobilize and solicit support for the party and candidates. But while this is part of the mobilization function of parties, it need not be confirmed solely to an election period routine. Rather, it is a process that must continue in order to bring out the best from the citizens in terms of input into policies and programmes of the government. But given the psyche of the Nigerian politician and their end-means orientation of politics which is to acquire political power in order to secure economic resources, citizen contribution / input into policies and programmes is of inconsequential effect. This crave for economic security at whatever cost by the political elites could therefore be adduced as a contributing factor to continued non alignment of policies with realities confronting the Nigerian electorates. Another dimension of the faulty mobilization function of parties in Nigeria is that even where they, as elsewhere, have wider social base of support, political maneuverings often create a situation whereby parties resort to politics of ethnic and/or religious mobilization. Indeed, mobilization politics along the lines of ethnic, religious or some other forms of cleavages have been a major character of party politics since independence. For instance most parties of the first republic used divisive mobilization politics to garner electoral support. So also were parties of the second republic. With the exception of AD which is rooted in the south west and maintains affinity with Afenifere, a socio cultural organization in the region, all other parties of the current era could not be said to have their support base restricted to a particular region. However, in the process of electioneering campaigns, many members wittingly or unwittingly often whip ethno-religious sentiments as strategies to mobilize support. Consequently in the prelude to the 2003 general elections, the mood of many Nigerians was that, Religion will play a prominent role in their choice of leaders†¦. Muslim- Christian rivalry was so intense that none of the 30 political parties in the country has managed to develop a firmly national support base. Muslims consider Obasanjo’s ruling peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as a Christian party. The all Nigerian peoples party (ANPP) of his nearest rival, Muhammad Buhari is considered by Christians to be a Muslim party (Marahatha Christian Journal, 2003). The emphasis therefore is that, where mobilization is carried on, on a faulty premise, it becomes extremely difficult to articulate and aggregate programmes and policies that serves the national interest. In this context, programmes and policies often articulated are those that are in consistent with that of the dominant interests within the party, be it socio, cultural or economic. In terms of political socialization, it may be argued that there is a tendency for negative socialization among Nigerian political parties. Socialization, conceived in terms of the process by which the individuals incorporate the ways of their respective social groups and society into their individual patterns and behaviour, is expected to be facilitated by political parties through campaigns, rallies and other political activities. In Nigeria, however, this has a negative content arising from series of violence and atmosphere of insecurity that often mare electoral processes in Nigeria. Nigerian parties and politician alike have a penchant for recruiting and making use of political thugs mostly recruited among motor garage boys, unemployed Youths and even Students at moments of campaigns and elections. Such behaviours and orientations which are antithetical to civic culture obviously are imbibed by younger generations. The consequence is that this erodes democratic senses of bargaining and compromise and instead creates the impression that force and crude militancy are the best ways to live and achieve political goals. The negative impacts of the socialization process is already being exhibited at other levels of politics below the state such unionism, especially student unionism. Indeed, student unionism at the tertiary level is expected to evince civic and enlightened qualities by virtue of the place of tertiary institutions in the country. However, a common observable trend in most tertiary institutions in Nigeria is that campus politics has often time been characterized by intolerance, maneuverings, money politics and a host of other negative traits exhibited by Nigerian political parties to the extent that institutions authorities may at times impose sanctions or outright ban on campus political activities. Situations like this no doubt have implications for their future political engagements and by extension, democratic growth in Nigeria. Our endeavour so for has been to trace whether there is an alignment between the expected roles and functions of political parties in sustaining democratic process and the activities of political parties in Nigeria. For one, while the role of parties in democratic sustenance is in controvertible, the Nigerian political parties have not been seen playing these roles. Why is this so is our focus next. Observed Weaknesses of parties in Nigeria From discussions so far, it can be gleaned that the indispensability of political parties to democratic sustenance is not in doubt. What is perhaps worrisome is the ability of Nigerian political parties to function effectively as catalyst for democratic growth. Gleaned from a number of observable trends, some factors serve to explain this unfortunate mess. First we may note ideological emptiness of the parties. Conceived as a set of coherent ideas which guide and tailor behaviour, ideology is expected to fire and sustain inspirations of party members. According to Scruton (quoted in Okoosi-Simbine, 2005:24), parties ideology are moral systems that enshrine the sanctity of contract and promise between them and the electorate because they constitute the political doctrine from which a programme of political action emanates and upon which basis citizens choose how they will like to be ruled. Essentially therefore, parties as organizations with diverse social base must be bounded by such set of common beliefs and ideas in order to help propel a vibrant democratic society. Unfortunately, Nigerian parties and politicians are merely playing survival game. Prime to them from observable trend is the desire to capture and maintain political power irrespective of what this takes. Consequently, this drive to capture power by all means possible tends to erode the performance of other functions necessary for democratic growth. The lack of ideology also serves as conduit for series of political vagrancies that characterized the political terrain. As observed by Aina (2002:19), Nigerian poiticians behave like political bats, changing affiliation in response to perceived fortunes or electoral advantage. Akin to the issue of ideology is what we may refer to as poorly digested manifesto of the parties. The manifesto is basis upon which contract between the rulers and citizens are sealed because it is the representation and/or expression of the political party’s direction, purpose and how it hopes to achieve them while in government (Onuoha 2003:141). It is the party’s statement of intention about how it hopes to achieve good governance. It is therefore the basis upon which performance of an incumbent government can be assessed and balanced against the need for change. Unfortunately, manifestoes of Nigerian political parties have proved to be manifestations of emptiness, similar in content and providing no choice for the citizens. The only difference between them as observed by Okoosi-Simbine (2005:22) is the emphasis they give to the programmes articulated or in a few cases, the strategies for carrying out the objectives. In other words, their manifestoes are more a replica of the other. Again, this close similarity in manifestoes can be hinged on their inability to develop a coherent ideology. As onu0oha (2003:145) rightly observed, any meaningful and functional manifesto must spring from a profound party ideology. Thus, a manifesto without a party ideology is like a body without a soul. In this context, rather than lubri cate democracy, parties constitute more of a burden on democratic practice. Prevalence of primordial sentiment may equaled be adduced as responsible for the inability of Nigerian parties to respond positively to the challenges of democratic sustenance. Indeed, the ability of a party to effectively perform its role especially in multi cultural settings is usually circumscribed by the socio-economic structure of the society. Therefore, since parties are institutions competing for spheres of influence in the socio-economic and political configuration of the society, there is every tendency that there activities will be likely be intertwined with prevalent socio-political sentiments of the society (Suleiman and Muhammad 2006). This is suggestive of current Nigerian parties. Indeed, post independent Nigeria has witnessed party’s base being deeply rooted in ethno-regional and religious sentiments to the extent that the major parties of the first republic (AG, NPC and NCNC) and their second republic successors (especially NPN, NPP and UPN) are often regarded as ethnic pressure groups. While parties of the current fourth republic may not be so deeply rooted in a particular region, nonetheless, the continuous use, overtly or covertly , of ethnic and religious sentiments in party politics reinforces social divisions among the populace which in turn weakens party structure and organization. Needless to stress that, a weak party in terms of internal structure cannot function optimally in deepening the democratic process. We can also speak of poor financial standing of the parties which made them susceptible to hijack by money barons who eventually use them to achieve personal benefits. Politics generally is an expensive activity and the role of money in contemporary Nigerian politics is indeed overwhelming. Although the government, through INEC, is currently financing the parties, but considering the spending pattern of the parties, government finance is generally considered insufficient. Consequently, additional funds are sourced through party financiers that include influential business men, party members in government and so on. For instance, the Plateau state governor, Joshua Dariye, sometime ago claimed he gave the PDP part of the 1.6 billion naira ecological fund he was accused of mismanaging. Similarly, only recently the ANPP caretaker committee chairman and gover nor of Bornu state directed all the seven governors on the platform of the party to contribute 20 million Naira each to the party’s purse within two weeks while all presidential aspirants and senators were to contribute 10 million Naira each towards the administration of the party (The Punch Editorial, †¦June, 2006:16). The implication of this is that Nigerian parties will likely for long be hijacked by money barons who will eventually constitute godfathers within the parties. Second is that credible aspirants who cannot afford to pay the huge sums would have to forget or submerge it while thirdly, internal party democracy becomes jeopardized. The resulting effect of all these is that parties becomes constrained as popular organizations capable of being the vanguard of democratic growth. Rather, they become characterized by frequent conflict and internal party squabbles. Also as a fall out of the above circumstances, programmes and policies that are often articulated and implemented reflect more of the interests of the so-called godfathers rather than that of the formal party organization. Thus, as the International IDEA (2006:8) have noted, given this context, Nigerian party life is characterized by a very low level of debate on policy options. Another observed weakness of Nigerian political partie s is the absence of political education. It is a common fact that Nigerian political parties have not been carrying out programmes aimed at enlightening the populace and even party members. This is because the party organization has been confined to mere instrument of contesting elections. Thus after elections, most of the parties become docile both in terms of recruiting new members and organizing activities to enlighten citizens about the political process. According to the country report on Nigeria by the international IDEA (2006:8), all the parties surveyed do agree that their members are active only during elections. The import of this is that once elections are over, only very few things link the party with its members thus, the expected role of political communication and education wanes out. We may also note the long years of military rule as another factor for the nonperformance of Nigerian political parties. Indeed, Nigeria’s long reign of military rule from 1966 to 1999, except for the brief period of 1979 to 1983, have affected the psyche of the average Nigerian politician. Military rule as it were is undemocratic. But its long reign in Nigeria with all its undemocratic tendencies have walked its way into the subliminal consciousness of most Nigerian. Thus, even though the military is out of power and democracy in place, the legacy of authoritarian tendencies still permeates the orientations and behaviours of the political class. The implications of this are that Nigeria currently has a short supply of tested democrats while democratic institutions remain large underdeveloped. In other words, while the success of any democratic experiment is predicated on the availability of individuals who are democrats in themselves, Nigeria’s long years of military tutelage has done no less than wipe out the last vestiges of democratic qualities among Nigerian politicians. Conclusion So far in this work we have tried to examine the link between political parties and democratic sustenance in Nigeria. It is observed that the institution of political party is indispensable if democracy is to be strengthened. This is by virtue of the various functions they perform which transcend the mere activity of fielding candidates for elections. However, the Nigerian situation is observed to be a deviation from the norm. if anything, Nigerian parties have not only failed in discharging these roles, but are equally working in the direction of democratic regression. In the main, the poor financial base of these parties, lacks of institutionalization, empty ideological content among others are part of their major constraints. Against this background, it is suggested that the government should improve on its funding of these parties in order to avoid their hijack by selfish money barons. Equally, the INEC should put in place mechanisms that would ensure these parties are internally democratic. Internal democracy of the parties no doubt will magnify into useful premise for democracy to thrive in the larger Nigerian society. Above all, there must be the political will by politicians themselves to allow democratic tenets to take root in the country. The above, it is believe are good recipe for democratic sustenance in Nigeria. References Anifowoshe, Remi (2004), ‘Political Parties and Party System in the Fourth Republic of Nigeria: Issues, Problems and Prospects’ in Olurode, Lai and Anifowoshe, Remi (eds.) Issues in Nigeria’s 1999 General Elections. Lagos, Nigeria: John West Publications Limited and Rebonik Publications Ltd, pp. 55-78. Diamond, Larry, Kirk-Greene, Anthony H.M and Oyediran, Oyeleye (eds.). Transition without End: Nigeria Politics and Civil Society under Babangida. Ibadan, Nigeria: Vantage Publishers. Babawale, Tunde(1999),’Political Culture and Political Socialization’ in Remi, Anifowoshe and Emenuo, Francis (eds.) Elements of Politics. Lagos, Nigeria: Sam Iwanusi Publications. Pp. 210-225. Ball, Alan (1988), Modern Politics and Government 4th Edition. London: Macmillan Press Coleman, J.S (1971) Nigeria: Background to Nationalism. Berkeley: University of California Press. Hague, Rod and Harrop, Martin (1987), Comparative Government and Politics: An Introduction. 2nd Edition. Basingstoke and London: Macmillan Education Ltd. International IDEA (2006), Nigeria: Country Report Based on Research and Dialogue with Political Parties. Stockholm, Sweden. Janda, Keneath (1993) ‘Comparative Political Parties: Research and Theory’ in Finifter, Ada, W (ed.) Political Science: The State of the Discipline II. Washinton DC: American Political Science Association. Pp.163-191. Joseph, Richard (1991), Prebendal politics in Nigeria: The Rise and Fall of the Second Republic. Ibadan: UPL Marahatha Christian Journal Online (2003), Religion is Likely to determine Nigeria’s Election. URL: http://www.mcjonline.com/news. Retrieved August 15 2005 Momoh, Abubakar and Thovoethin, Paul-Sewa (2001), An Overview of the 1998 – 1999 Democratisation Process in Nigeria. DPMN Bulletin Online: http://www.dpmf.org (Retrieved January 4 2006) Okoosi-Simbine, Anthony (2005), ‘Political Vagrancy and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria’ in Momoh, Abubakar and Godwin, Onu (eds.) Elections and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria. Nigeria: Nigerian Political Science Association pp 17 – 33 Onuoha, Browne (2003), ‘Political Parties and Elections: A Critical Review of Party Manifestoes’ in New Era Foundation, The Grassroots and Political Change in Nigeria. Lagos: Joe – Tolalu Associates pp 137 – 152 Suleiman, A. and Muhammad, A. A. (2006), ‘Religion, Party politics and Democracy: Implications of Religion in Nigeria’s 2003 Presidential Election’ Journal of Development. Vol. 2 no 1 (Forth coming) Ujo, Abdulhamid (2000), Understanding Political Parties in Nigeria. Kaduna: klamidas Publishers Williams, Adebayo (1995) ‘The Fictionalization of Democratic Struggles in Africa: The Nigerian Experience’ in Olowu, Dele; Soremekun, Kayode and Williams, Adebayo (eds.) Governance and Democratization in Nigeria. Ibadan, Nigeria: Spectrum Books Ltd. Pp. 65-67. Yaqub, Nuhu (2002), ‘Political Parties in the Transition Process’ in Onuoha, Browne and Fadakinte, M. M. (eds.), Transition Politics in Nigeria, 1970 – 1999. London: Malthouse Press limited pp 118 – 134

The development of mughlai cuisine of North India

The development of mughlai cuisine of North India 2.1. Introduction To study the impact of events on the development of Mughlai cuisine of North India and the further scopes to promote food tourism destination. The aim of this chapter is to provide its readers with an overview into the topic of the research. The first section of this chapter would deal with the introduction to the Mughal History, Imperial cuisine and Sultans etiquette . The second section would deal with Tourism and its social and cultural impact on a society. The final section would deal with the relation between Food Tourism , culture and foodways. 2.1.1 Mughal Empire Arab raiders had established their hegemony in Sindh in western India by about AD713 , but the Muslim presence only made itself felt with the raid s of Mohammed of Ghazni from about AD 1000.About AD 1206 the first sultans , those of the slave dynasty , set up rule in Delhi. Eleven of them in successions gave place to two from the house of Balban, six Khaljis, three Tughlaks (including Muhammad bin Tughlak from AD 1324-51), four Saiyyids and three Lodis, stretching in all for slightly more than three hundred years (Life and condition of people in Hindustan ,1935) .In 1526 the ruler Babar established the Mughal dynasty in India. He followed by Humayun, Akbar, Jahangir, Shah Jhan and Aurangzeb. The Mughal period was remarkably well documented. Both the emperors Babar and Jahangir were superb diarists and Akbars affair were minutely chronicled in the Ain-i-Akbari[1] and Akbar-Name by his court historian Abu Fazal. From the time of Jahangir and thereafter, a series of travelers from Europe left vivid impressionistic accounts of the rulers and the people of India. To the somewhat ascetic Hindu dining ambience the Muslims brought refined and courtly etiquette of both group of both group and individual dining, and of sharing food in fellowship. Food items native to India were enriched with nuts, raisins, spices and ghee. These included meat and rice dishes (Palao[2]) , dressed meat (Kabab[3]) , stuffed items (Samosas[4]) , desserts (Halva[5], stewed fruit) and sweetened drinks (Falooda[6], Sherbet[7]). New dishes enriched the cuisine of the wheat finely grounded meat (Halim[8], Harisa[9]), or the frozen Kulfi[10], a rich ice cream of Khoa[11], or Jalebi[12]. Muslims influenced both the style and substance of Indian food. 2.1.2 The Sultans etiquette Mubarak Ali in his thesis ‘The Court of the Great Mughals (1976) has written a great deal to about the dining customs of the Delhi Sultans, which were perhaps unique to Muslims royalty in India. A certain ritual of formality was observed: Before the dinners begins, the Chamberlain[13] stands at the head of the dinners carpet (Simat[14]) and performs the bow (Khidmat[15]) in the direction of sultan; and all present do the same. The khidmat in India consists of bowing down to the knee as in prayers. After this the people would sit down to eat, and then they are bought gold, silver and glass cups filled with fine sugar water perfumed with rose-water which they call sherbet. After they have taken the sherbet, the chamberlain calls out Bismillah[16]. Then all begin to eat. At the end of the dinner, jugs of barley-drink (Fuqqa[17]) are brought; and when these have been consumed, betel leaves and nuts are served. After the people have taken the betel and nuts, the chamberlain calls out Bismillah, whereupon all stand up and bow in the same way as before. Then they retire. Two types of dinners were held in the royal palace, A private dinners is the one that sultan attends. It is his way to eat along with those who are present and those whom he calls for the purpose , such as the special amirs[18]- the head chamberlain (amirhajib) , the sultans paternal cousins , Imad-ul-mulk Sartez and master of ceremonies (amir-i-majlis)- and those out of the aizza (‘The Honourables) and great amirs whom he wants to honour and revere. Occasionally, when he is declined to honour any one from among present, he takes a plate, puts bread on it and gives it to him. The latter receives it: and placing the plate on his left hand, he bows with his right hand touching the ground. Sometimes the Sultan sends something from that meal to one absent from it, and the latter too bows like the one present and sits down to eat it along with those that be in his company. The number nobles attending these private dinners never exceeded twenty. It has been remarked that such long convivialities in the company of nobles served to throw them into Sultans Company, and thus keep them out of trouble. The public dinners are brought from the kitchen led by the palace officers, who call out Bismillah; and they are headed by the chief palace officer. He holds in his hand a gold mace and is accompanied by his deputy who carries a silver mace. As soon as they enter the fourth gate and those in the council-hall hear the call, all stand up and none remain seated, the sultan alone is excepted. When the dishes are served on the floor, the palace of officers stand up in rows, their chiefs standing in front. He makes a discourse in which he praises the sultan and eulogizes him; then he bows to him and in the same manner bow all those present in the council-hall whether big or small. Their custom is that anyone who hears the call of chief palace officer (naqib-un-nuquba[19]) stops instantly, if walking and remains in his place if he happens to be standing and none can move until the discourse is over. Then his deputy too makes a similar discourse and bows; and so do the palace officers and all the people in the second time. Then all the people take their seats; and the gate secretaries draft a report informing the Sultan that the food has been brought, even though he is aware of that. The report is handed over to a boy from one of the maliks son appointed for this purpose and he takes the message to the Sultan who, on reading it, appoints whosoever he likes from among the great amirs to supervise the seating and feeding of the people. Mubarak Ali in his book ‘Mughal Darbar† (1993) has stated something about the seating also: The custom at that point of time was that the judges (Qazis[20]) , orators (Khatibs[21]) and jurists (Shorfa[22]) sit on a carpet (simat) : and then come the sultan relatives , the great amirs and the rest of the people. But none sits expect at his appointed place; and thus there is absolutely no confusion amongst them. All having then their representative seats, the cup bearer (Shurbdariya[23]) who give the holding in their hands gold , silver, copper and glass vessels filled with refined sugar dissolved in water, which they drink at dinner. Everyone had before him, a set of all the various dishes comprising the dinner, which he eats exclusively; and no one shares his plate with another. When they finish eating, the drink (Fuqqa) is served in pewter tankards; and as soon as the people take it the chamberlains call out Bismillah. At that time the while gathering stands up, and the amirs supervising the feast bows, and they bow too; then they retire .The dinners were held twice a day one in the forenoon and the other in the afternoon. 2.1.3 Kings drink ‘Any Muslim who drinks (wine) is punished with 80 stripes, and is shut up in a matamore (cell) for 3 months, which is opened only at the time of meal. So says the Quran (Chapter 6). However there is no doubt that drinking was very common among the sultans and the nobility. For the Mughals wine had a strong attraction. Babar had periodic fits of abstinence, when he would break up his flagons and goblets of gold and silver and give away the pieces, only to resume drinking and the use of bhang, after telling himself (P.N. Chopra ,1963, Society and Culture in Mughal India. ). Akbar, according to the Jesuit Father Monserate, rarely drank wine, proffering bhang. He enforced prohibition in his court , but relaxed rules for European travelers because ‘they are born in the element of wine , as fresh fish are produced in water †¦and to prohibit them the use of it is to deprive them of their life ( J.S.Hoyland and, and S.banerjee 1922, The Cemetery of Father Monserrate). Of his sons, Daniyal and Murad both died young due to excessive drinking. His other son Jahangir was much addicted, but did not drink on Thursdays and Fridays (Nicclao Manucci, Storio de Mogor 1653-1708, trans William Irvine) . However at end of his regime Jahangir would imbibe 20 cups of double distilled liquor daily, 14 during the day and the rest at night (P.N. Chopra ,1963, Society and Culture in Mughal India. ). Shah Jahan drank but never beyond the limits of decency. The next emperor Aurangzeb was of course strict teetotaler who in 1668 issued severe prohibition order to all his subjects, Hindus and Muslim alike. To make this liquor, arrack or rice sprit was put into empty barrel that had contained wine from Europe. The dregs of other barrels were also added, together with water and sweet sugar. After eight mounts, the clear liquid tasting something like white wine. Another wine was made by steeping resins in rice sprit for 3 to 4 days, straining and then holding the liquid in an empty barrel for 6 to 8 months; an extract of dates was sometimes added for sweetness and flavour (William Foster, Early Travels in India 1583-1619). 2.1.4 The Imperial cuisine Babar is said to have lived in India for only 4  ½ years after conquering. He lamented fact that this country had ‘no grapes , musk melons or first rate fruits, no ice cold water, no bread or cooked food in bazaars (A.S.Beveridge, trans. Babur-nama, 1922) . He commented most judiciously on the flora and fauna that he first encountered in this new country. He commented that chironji[24] is â€Å"a thing between the almond and the walnut, and not so bad† .He also described the fish from Hindustan as very savoury and that they had no odour or tiresomeness (meaning probably lack of bones). But heart Babar remained an alien to Indian food. His son Humayun however was much more â€Å"Indianized†. Humayun even gave up animal flesh for some months when he started his campaign to recover the throne, and deciding after some reflection , that beef was not a food for devout (J.S.Hoyland and, and S.banerjee , The Cemetery of Father Monserrate,, 1922). Akbar did not like meat and took it only seasonally ‘to conform to the sprit of the age'(P.N. Chopra, Society and Culture in Mughal India,1963). He abstained from meat at first of all Fridays, subsequently on Sundays also, then on first day of every solar month, then during the whole month of Fawardin[25] (March), and finally during his berth month of Aban[26] (November). He started his meal with curds and rice, and preferred simple food. One of travelers Father Monserate documented that Akbars table was very sumptuous, consisting of more than 40 courses served in great dishes served in great dishes. These dishes were brought into the royal dining hall covered and wrapped in linen cloths, which are tied and sealed, for the fear of poison (J.S.Hoyland and, and S.banerjee ,The Cemetery of Father Monserrate ,1922). The Ain-i-Akbari describes three classes cooked dishes. In the first, called safiyana, consumed by Akbars day of abstinence, no meat was used . The dishes were made of rice (zard-birinj[27], khushka[28], khichri[29] and sheer-birinj[30]), wheat (chikhi[31], essentially the starch of the rice isolated by washing and then seasoned), dhals[32], palak sag[33], halwa, sherbet etc. The second class comprised those in which both meat and rice were employed (like Palao, Biryani[34], Shulla[35] and Shurba[36]), or meat and wheat (Harisa, Halim and Kashk[37] ) .The third class was that in which meat was cooked in ghee, spices, curd, eggs etc. These dishes in due course of time came to be known as Yakhni[38], Kabab, Do-Pyazza[39], Musallam[40], Dampukth[41], Qaliya[42] and Malghuba[43]. Bread in this time was either thick, made from wheat flour and baked in an oven; or thin, and bake on iron plates using dough of either wheat or khushka. Raw material came from various places; rice from Bharaijj , Gwalior , Rajori and Nimlah, ghee[44] from Hissar , ducks, waterfowls and certain vegetables from Kashmir ,and fruits from across the north western borders as well as from all over the country. Though Jahangir, unlike his father, enjoyed eating meat, and especially the animals of the chase, he kept his father schedule of abstinence, adding Thursday to them, that being the day of birth of his son Akbar. He banned the slaughter of animals on Thursday and Sundays. He seemed to have left fish altogether and preferred a khichri called lazizan, made of rice cooked with pulses, ghee, spices and nuts on the days of abstinence from flesh . Another of his favorites was Falooda, jelly made from the straining of boiled wheat, mixed with fruit juices and cream (P.N. Chopra, Society and Culture in Mughal India, 1963). Aurangzeb son of Jahangir on the other hand was a Spartan. Tavernier says that no animal passed his lips: he become ‘thin and lean to which the great fasts that he kept have contributed †¦he only drank a little water ,and ate little quantity of millet bread .Besides that he slept on the ground with only a tigers skin over him (P.N. Chopra, Society and Culture in Mughal India, 1963). 2.2.Tourism Tourism today is one the fastest growing sectors in the global economy. It is also one ofthe largest sectors in the world economy making ever increasing contributions to global output and employment.In 2008, international tourist arrivals grew by 2% to 924 million, up 16 million over 2007. Analysts further predict that the tourist arrivals will touch 1.6 billion by the year 2020. Tourism is one of the largest income generators for an economy and is growing at a very rapid pace. Growth in tourism also translates into indirect growth and impact on miscellaneous other sectors of the economy (Farooquee, N.A. et al (2008) ‘ Environmental and Socio-Cultural Impacts of River Rafting and Camping on Ganga in Uttarakhand Himalaya). 2.2.1 INTRODUCTION Service industry has gained extreme potential in the past two decades and is now one of the main industries for social and economic growth of any region. This growth has bought along with itself an increase in the global output and various employment opportunities. One of the important components of the service sector is tourism sector. The World Tourism Organization defines tourism as â€Å"The activities of persons traveling to and staying in places outside their usual environment for not more than one consecutive year for leisure, business and other purpose† (Commission of the European Communities et al., 2001). Tourism incorporates both tangible and intangible elements of service sector. Tourism has evolved over time (six decades approximately) and has been continuing growing and diversifying in order to become the fastest and the largest growing economic sectors in the world. Tourism has been flourishing at an exponential rate thereby promoting and exploring new destinations and in some cases becoming the main driver of the economy. In some the developing countries it is one of the main income generating sector and also the number one in export category there by generating employment on a larger scale. The travel and tourism industry is undergoing a transformation as the significance of this industry is unveiled by most countries. 2.2.2 HISTORY OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELLERS: Tourism has been evident throughout the ages. It has only taken a major jump in the past few decades and has become a major part of the economy. Ancient age travel was mostly an unconscious affair. Travel was mainly an outcome of trade and other commerce activities. In other words, earlier traveler can be regarded as a merchant looking for goods and products and engaging in trade and commerce. Countries like India and China have attracted travelers from all over the ancient world. This trend continued resulting in exploration of different destinations by the Europeans especially heading towards Indian shores for the sole purpose of trade and commerce. The urge to explore new lands and to seek new knowledge in ancient and distant lands was yet another motive of travellers in subsequent periods. Travelling that took place during the Middle Ages was mostly for religious purposes. The practice for travelling for religious purposes became a well established custom in many parts of the wor ld. Romans were known for travelling during this era and wherever they went, there existed a fine network of roads. Tourism gained momentum as soon as changes like the mental attitudes towards pleasure, education based travel; increase in disposal income, need for a break from the monotonous work schedule etc took place. For nearly the first quarter of the 20th century pleasure travel was only for the privileged ones of the society having free time in hand as well as substantial purchasing power. Numerous travel associations were formed during this time of the century who organized trips and vacations for middle class and their families. However, it was the 20th century where a change was witnessed in the whole tourism scenario especially from an international perspective for different purposes like health, business, recreation or religious purposes which led governments to issue passports and visas and take initiatives to their citizens abroad. Increase in tourism has been beneficial for the entire world connecting all the destinations to one another. However, there have been problems associated with developing nations where the government capacity is limited and tourist numbers are increasing. These nations rely highly on tourism and are severely affected when tourism is discouraged on the grounds of criminal activities and safety and security issues. â€Å"These issues and many more like the environmental issues have grown as international tourism arrivals have soared to over 800 million annually. By 2020 that figure is expected to be over 1.6 billion† (World Trade Organization, 1997). Despite these factors, tourism development opens doors to various employment opportunities for the developing nations. 2.2.3 IMPACTS OF TOURISM Tourism is amongst the fastest and most diverse sectors of the economy. It has been a focus of many governments, especially for developing economies, to try and develop tourism as one of the most attractive sectors of the domestic economy. Tourism invariably impacts every region, culture, people, country etc that it touches. These impacts are an intriguing mix of the good and the bad for the region. Governments have to make a trade off between the advantages offered by tourism and the negative impacts brought in by it. Mings and Chulikpongse (1994) have noted tourisms role as an agent of change, bringing myriad impacts on regional economic conditions, social institutions and environmental quality. The impacts of tourism can be categorized into the following parts i.e. Economic Impacts, Socio-Cultural Impacts and Environmental Impacts. 2.2.3. ECONOMIC IMPACTS: In most cases, economic benefits lead to the focused growth of tourism as a sector in any country. Today, tourism is one of the worlds foremost sources of export earnings, if global tourism income and international transportation receipts are included. According to Keiko Noji (2001), Governments focus on tourism development as it presents the easy route to accumulating and increasing the foreign reserves, creating jobs and contributing to over all economic growth. Private sector, which brings commercial gain to the country, is a leading force in the tourism industry. In many cases, foreign capital dominates the domestic and international market and tourism expenditure goes outside of the country. There are potential positive and negative impacts of such tourism development. 2.2.3.1 Financial: Tourism helps the host community earn various pecuniary gains in the form growth in the foreign exchange reserves, Gross Domestic Product, growth in regional commercial enterprises and for individuals as well. For e.g. the contribution of Travel Tourism to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of Indiahas been forecasted to remain constant at 6.1% in 2008 to 6.1% in 2018. Also, Export earnings from international travelers and tourism goods contributed 6.7% of total exports in 2008, and it is anticipated that this will rise to 4.4% of total in 2018 (Source: World Travel Tourism Council 2008). 2.2.3.2 Employment Opportunity: Tourism development in a region leads to the more employment opportunities and higher wage rates for men and women and access to better training for employees. Lee (1996) studied the economic effects of tourism in New Zealand and concluded that tourism performed better than most industries in generating employment and tax revenues and performed moderately well in distributing income among household income classes. Cukier-Snow and Wall (1994) also examined tourism employment growth in Bali, concluding an increase in the employment of women. The contribution of the Travel Tourism Economy to employment â€Å"in India is expected to rise from 30,491,000 jobs in 2008, 6.4% of total employment, or 1 in every 15.6 jobs to 39,615,000 jobs, 7.2% of total employment or 1 in every 13.8 jobs by 2018† (Source: World Travel Tourism Council 2008). The pluses associated with tourism overpower the negatives it brings with it. However, negative impacts associated with tourism can not be ignored. The employment is often part-time and low paid. The skilled positions are occupied by foreign nationals and therefore there is disparity in the income distribution pattern often associated with leakages. 2.2.3.3 Services: Tourism creates growth opportunities in a region. It leads to the creation of new facilities, utilities and recreation facilities that would not have been possible or financially viable to provide in the community. Tourist expectations can lead to better service by local shops, restaurants, and other business operators and entrepreneurs. The tourist traffic in a community leads to better facilities such as fire department, police, and health services which also benefits the local residents. However, long-established and conventional services may be forced out or relocated due to competition with tourist interests. Water, power, fuel, and other shortages may be experienced because of increased pressure on the infrastructure. 2.2.3.4 Others: Other economic impacts of tourism includes expansion of the economic base (i.e., diversification), Inter-sectoral linkage and Multiplier effects, growth of entrepreneurship as products and services can be locally produced by tourism related and other business, creation and growth of infrastructure facilities, betterment of social services and encouragement of regional development in underdeveloped areas. The most profound impact that tourism has on the host economy is through the development and growth of infrastructure in the domestic country. 2.2.4 SOCIO CULTURAL IMPACTS: Tourism can be act as either an international peace maker and can help in understanding or it can be a destructive force attacking different cultures, ecology, and local communities (Mirbabayev. B, Shagazatova. M). Thus, development of a tourist destinations and its associated conveniences and benefits require a detailed plan in order to achieve triumph over the negativity associated with it, especially in developing countries where conserving and developing the quality of life of local populations is challenging. The social and cultural implications of tourism necessitate thorough and detailed deliberations, as effects can either translate into long term benefits or detriments to communities. A nations culture and social environment is extremely vulnerable and thus it needs protection and preservation, as tourism is an eroding force of modernization. ( Hing. N, Dimmock. K, 1997) 2.2.4.1 Cultural Impacts: Local culture of a region or country is the focal point for attracting tourists to the region. Though the local sculpture, music, dance, cuisine, clothing, handicrafts and traditional customs, ceremonies and folklore are a source of attraction, tourism can lead to commercialization and misuse of these very assets. This will further lead to the deterioration, degradation and finally the disappearance and the local culture. Some of the customary activities of a region may seem absurd to the tourists may lead the tourists to oppose and derogatory activities against the local culture (Xavier, 2001). Cultural aspects of host regions act as tourist attractors, but are simultaneously vulnerable to acculturation. Though it has a negative impact on the local traditions, various authors have studied that it can assist in the preservation process. According to a study carried out by Teye, tourism can contribute to greater understanding between North and South Africa by developing cultural tourism which promotes host-guest experiences and not than superficial encounters, (Hing. N, Dimmock. K, 1997). In another case study on the impacts of tourism on the Khajuraho temple in India, it is stated that tourism can bring economic relief and prosperity to local community, with minimal socio-cultural costs. (Hing. N, Dimmock. K, 1997) 2.2.5.2 Social Impacts: Social interface amid tourists and local community may result in mutual appreciation, understanding, acceptance, awareness and learning. It gives the host community a big boost in confidence and esteem, and reduces prejudices and abolishes preconceived notions and perceptions. Local communities are benefited through contribution by tourism to the improvement of the social infrastructure for example development of roads, parks, museums, health care institutions, internet cafes etc. Robinson (1999), states that there is no evidence that proves that tourism is bringing different cultures together. Tourism can increase tension, hostility, and suspicion. Tourism has an adverse impact on the traditional practices, the perception of the residents. Unbalanced population structures, displacement of local people, a negative behavior by visitors toward residents and an adverse effect on the overall community life. Various studies have been carried out to determine that an increase in tourism has a direct impact on the increase in crime rate of a destination, as most often tourists are the victims to these criminal acts (McElroy, Tarlow Carlisle, 2007). Tourism can and often does lead to problems such as prostitution, alcoholism, gambling and drug trafficking. There are few tourist destinations immune to this problem (Noji.K, 2001). Hence it is extremely essential to promote tourism in the region while ensuring that it provides both incomes as well as generates respect for the local tradition and culture. 2.3 Food Tourism Food Tourism is all about food as a subject and medium, destination and vehicle, for tourism. It is about individuals exploring foods new to them as well as using food to explore new culture and ways of being. It is about groups using food to ‘sell their histories and to construct marketable and publically attractive identities, and it is about individuals satisfying curiosity. Finally it is about experiencing of food in a mode that is out of the ordinary, that steps outside the normal routine to notice difference and the power of food to represent and negotiate the difference. Folklorist, food scholars and food aficionados have long fascinated by occasions of exploratory eating- instances of eating the new, the unfamiliar, the alien- and by the institutional cookbooks and folklife festivals. These occasions and include variety of food related behaviours and reflect complex network of cultural, social, economic and aesthetic systems as well as individual preferences. The definition of what constitutes adventurous eating is a contextual one that depends on the perspective and motivations of the eater. The author states that the purpose of food tourism as a framework is to try together the notion of perspective and variety of instances in which a foodways is considered representative of the other. Lucy M Long (2007) defines food tourism as the international as the international, exploratory participation in the foodways another-participation including the consumption, preparation and presentation of food items, cuisine, meal system or eating style considered to a culinary system that no one owns. This definition emphasis on the individual as an active agent in constructing meaning within a tourist experience and it allows for an aesthetic response to food as a part of the experience. Exploration and internationality define these instances as tourism. Valence Smith (1989) defines a tourist as a temporarily leisured person who voluntarily visits a place away from home for the purpose of experiencing a change. The culinary tourist participates for the purpose of experiencing a change in foodways not merely hunger. Nelson Graburn (1989) proposed that for the tourist to experience is a journey from profane to the sacred as a way to embellish and add meaning to ones life. The tourist experience offers not only new cultures and new sights, but also a new way of perceiving those sights and these new way eventually enhance an individual. Johan Urry (1990) developed this notion of tourism as quantitative category of experience, defining it as a kind of viewing he refers to as a â€Å" tourist gaze†. This gaze is different from â€Å"every day looking† in that it attends to difference . It notices contrast and distinctiveness , it shifts the ordinary action and objects out of the ordinary world enable ling and encouraging viewers to rcognise their power as symbols , entertainment and art. 2.4 Authenticity and Culinary Tourism in Mughlai Restaurants across Delhi and Agra Food tourism has long been linked with authenticity in Mughlai restaurants across Delhi and Agra. Lifestyle magazines such as Gourmet and Travel Leisure reveal the connection between food and tourism. On the other side , backpacker guides like the Lonely Planet always include sections on local foods and where to eat while traveling. As these magazines demonsterate food and tourism go hand in hand. But when eating is tourism, a whole new theoretical framework arises. Culinary tourism, the exploration of foreign foodways as a representative of an other provides a framework for interrogating the various intersections between tourism and foodways (Long, 1998). The term authensity has been widely used to study both foodways and tourism, it can also be applied within the frame work of culinary tourism to have a better understanding about social dynamics, particularly the process of identity construction and va

Reflective Practice Audit Essays -- Economics

Reflective Practice Audit Introduction Within this audit I am going to be talking about the methods of learning and how they can be assessed. I will be showing the skills and experiences of which I have, how they have been developed and a SWOT analysis to evaluate myself. Then I will have expanded on the findings of my skills and experiences, with the final point that I will then be constructing a table showing my short and long-term targets to develop skills and learning styles. Then I will have a final inclusion of my bibliography and references by using the Harvard referencing style. Methods From my research I have found out that there are four main learning styles of which I have explained below: - Pragmatist With a pragmatist they like using new ideas, theories and techniques to find out how they perform. They like applying sensible solutions to problems, and they are usually willing to recognise that there is more than likely a more effective method of performance and it is worthwhile. Reflective The reflective learners are cautious and they like to think about experiences and view them in many different ways to help them come to a conclusion. When doing this they collect and collate information to reach a conclusion. Theorist Perfectionists are what theorist learners are known to be as they prefer to observe, while analysing and solving problems logically. This type of learners use structures that help information make sense to them, as they only want to go by theories, not lateral opinions. Activist People who classify under this style are ready for new experiences, as they are open-minded and enthusiastic. They like new challenges and can’t wait for a new exper... ... of information and view the whole picture. Recommendation For this I have constructed a table to show aims that I need to meet in the future, as recommendations of my learning: - Short-term targets Use my time effectively by performing work for assignments on a daily basis, and consistently analysing my work to improve the standards/grammar of work to help me deadlines. Preparing for presentations, performing them effectively to increase my confidence and help me be able to answer questions to a certain extent. Long-term targets Improve my interaction with people to help me present data to a large range of aged people. Learn about more accounting related information such as the law, and gain more highly skilled accounting qualifications. Maintain a high level of attendance of which is above 80% over the year and be highly punctual.

Charles de Secondat, Baron De La Brede Et De Montesquieu Essay

Charles de Secondat, Baron de la Brede et de Montesquieu was born in 1689 to a French noble family. "His family tree could be traced 350 years, which in his view made its name neither good nor bad." (The Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, p. 68) Montesquieu's views started to be shaped at a very early age. A beggar was chosen to be his godfather to remind him of his obligations to the poor. Montesquieu's education started at the age of 11 when he was sent to Juilly, a school maintained by the Congregation of the Oratory. From 1705 to 1709 he studied law in Bordeaux. "From 1705 to 1709 he was a legal apprentice in Paris. There he came to know some of the most advanced thinkers of his time: Fredet, the Abbe Lama, and Boulainvilliers.(Ibid.). In 1716 Montesquieu got a seat of president a mortier in the parlement of Guyenne from his deceased uncle. Even though he did not like his job he believed parliaments were necessary to control the monarchs. In 1721 Montesquieu published the Persian Letters, which he began working on while studying in Bordeaux. The book was a success. In the Persian Letters Montesquieu showed how relative all of the French values were. Even though the technique used in this witty book was previously used by other writers, Montesquieu did a great job making fun of the European values. At that time he already believed in the immorality of European practices such as religious prosecution. The book gave roots for Montesquieu's later arguments and ideas. When in 1728 Montesquieu, with the help of his Parisian connections he got elected to the French Academy, he was happy to sell his office of president a mortier. In the course of the next three years he traveled all over Europe, visiting Germany, Hungary, England, Holland, Austria, and Italy. It is not surprising that out of his European tour the country which had the greatest impact on his later work (just like it did on Voltaire's) was England. During his stay there he was elected a fellow of the Royal Society. After he returned to France the second portion of his carrier had began. He became a full time writer, traveling between his La Brede estate and Paris. It is during this period that the C... ...e world will always be remembered. Montesquieu can easily be considered a model Enlightment figure. His ideas produce a mild paradox. He wanted change for the better without crushing the current government. He wanted to educate the people of a country, but was not a radical, and therefore didn't include the peasants. He respected reason, and used it to help the mankind by creating an idle society. He critisised religion, and yet had faith in God. As a whole he tried to improve things without turning the world upside down. He was the model figure for the steady advancement of the human civilization. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Hollier, Denis , A New History of French Literature, Harvard University Press, Cambridge Massachusetts, 1989. 2. The Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, p. 467-476. 3. Loy, John Robert, Montesquieu, New York, Twayne Publishers, 1968. 4. A History of World Societies volume II, Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, p. 669-679. 5. Robert Shedlock, Lessons on World History, 1980, p. 38a-38c.

Creative Spark Talk Analysis Essay

Sir Ken Robinson is an educator, respected author and leading advocator for changes to the educational system. A Professor believes that the education system needs to be more creative and stop preventing creativity. Sir Robinson speech on â€Å"How Schools Kill Creativity†; given on February 2006; at TED conference in Monterey California. It focuses on the education system goals and the educators understanding the process of developing a successful system. The focus of his speech is how schools do everything they can to dissuade children from being creative. He is advocating for a monumental change in current educational systems that nurture and promote creativity. The education system profound way of how the selection process of the employee, prevents the out-of-box thinkers from maintaining their creativity growth. Stages of Creativity Robinson begins his talk referencing how we have become a society that deeply vested in education. He goes on to say today’s children have incredible talent but we waste it through our current educational systems. He discusses how we have become a society that is educating for 50 years in the 2065 we really have no idea what the future will look like in five years. In looking at the four stages of creativity, it is easy to see how the current educational systems stifle creativity. Stage one according to Ryan Ruggiero is searching for challenges or â€Å"meeting challenges in an imaginative, original, and effective way† (Ruggiero, 2012). Robinson discusses how our educational systems have become more about mathematics and science and less about the arts. Young children are willing to take a  chance. If they do not know an answer to a question, they are not afraid to go for it or of being wrong according to Robinson. Robinson makes an excellent point that â€Å"if you aren’t prepared to be wrong then you will never come up with anything creative† (Robinson, 2007). Stage three, which probably the most important deals with investigating the problem. It is important to make sure you obtain the necessary information to deal effectively with the problem. The last stage is stage four, which involves producing ideas. It is importa nt to make sure you generate enough ideas to decide which action you should take. Concepts of imagination and Curiosity Almost the entire talk Robinson gave revolved around creativity and imagination. Robinson discusses how today’s society has become dependent on rising through the ranks by achieving different degree levels. He explains that in order to rise to different levels there is too much focus on answering questions accurately and too much focus on when mistakes occur. Personal experiences and Benefit Society I remember not doing well in my Biology class and my instructor challenge me to change location in the classroom. I did not believe that the seat selection was the problem, but changing the seat eliminated the surrounding distraction and my grades highlighted the improvement. I took that same approach to the rest of my classes and the results astonishing. I believe at that time most of my teachers had written me off, but as an educator you have to seek ways more creative approach to capture and develop the students minds for thinking out of the box. I have learn from that experience and lecture, we as educators in the educational system have to be open to ideas and develop different methodology that will help our learners to mature and produce different avenues of approach to accomplishing a task. Sir Robinson talk was quite eye opening for me and has made me take a more analytical approach to how I even educate my children. References Robinson, K. (2007, January 6). Sir Ken Robinson: Do schools kill creativity? [Video file]. Retrieved from Youtube.com website: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iG9CE55wbtY Ruggiero, V. R. (2012). The Art Thinking. The art of thinking: A guide to critical and creative thought (10th ed.). New York, NY: Pearson Longman.